Part III - Institutions
3 - The government: appointment and accountability
The government governs. This obvious truth deserves to be stated clearly because the model proposed here puts it back at the center where contemporary regimes have progressively obscured it. In the dying Fifth Republic, the government administers a framework it did not choose, manages constraints it does not control, and is accountable to so many actors simultaneously that it ends up being truly responsible to no one. This project breaks with this architecture.
Formation
The government is appointed by the king. This is not a personal privilege of the sovereign, it is an institutional prerogative that flows directly from his role as guarantor of the continuity of the State. The king chooses a head of government and ministers on the basis of competence, sense of State, and capacity to implement the defined sovereign objectives. This designation deliberately breaks with partisan logic: the government is not the product of a balance between factions, it is an instrument in the service of the nation.
The ministries are structured around the essential levers of sovereignty: defense, foreign affairs, interior, economy, industry, agriculture, energy, digital, health, education, justice. The government acts in the operational. The Planning Commission enlightens, orients, and structures long-term national priorities. The two functions are complementary and do not substitute for one another.
Accountability
The government is accountable to the king, the National Assembly, the Senate, and the people: four levels of control that complement one another without short-circuiting each other.
The king may revoke all or part of the government without notice. This power is not an instrument of personal government, it is a mechanism of institutional safeguarding. It guarantees the capacity for rapid correction in the event of manifest failure, deadlock, or endangerment of sovereignty. A government that drifts does not wait for the next electoral deadline to be replaced. Every revocation is publicly justified before the reformed Senate within 48 hours: the king sets out the reasons for his decision in a public session broadcast live. This obligation does not condition the act - the revocation is immediate - but it renders it transparent and contestable before the nation.
The people hold a right of revocation by censure referendum, the RIC. This mechanism is strictly framed: 20% plus one vote of the electoral body, physical signatures deposited at town halls. These high thresholds are not obstacles to democracy, they are its protection. Popular censure is reserved for serious situations, those where compromise is manifest and mobilization is massive. It is not a tool of permanent destabilization, it is the last resort of a sovereign people who refuse to be betrayed.
Members of the government assume full and complete responsibility. In the event of foreign compromise or proven betrayal of national interests, they are subject to the same sanctions as the sovereign himself: immediate forfeiture, permanent prohibition from exercising sensitive responsibilities, and in the most serious cases, application of the exile law. Qualification falls to the reformed Senate, under conditions of transparency and gravity that are strictly defined.
Balance
The government is sufficiently protected to act. It does not depend on a fragile parliamentary majority nor on an electoral cycle that would paralyze it before it has even begun. It is sufficiently controlled to never escape its responsibility: the king, Parliament, and the people can all sanction it, according to precise and graduated modalities. This is neither omnipotence nor powerlessness. It is an executive that can decide, and that knows it will answer for it.